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CEsA is a research Centre that belongs to CSG/Research in Social Sciences and Management that is hosted by the Lisbon School of Economics and Management of the University of Lisbon an institution dedicated to teaching and research founded in 1911. In 2015, CSG was object of the international evaluation process of R&D units carried out by the Portuguese national funding agency for science, research and technology (FCT – Foundation for Science and Technology) having been ranked as “Excellent”. Founded in 1983, it is a private institution without lucrative purposes, whose research team is composed of ISEG faculty, full-time research fellows and faculty from other higher education institutions. It is dedicated to the study of economic, social and cultural development in developing countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, although it places particular emphasis on the study of African Portuguesespeaking countries, China and Pacific Asia, as well as Brazil and other Mercosur countries. Additionally, CEsA also promotes research on any other theoretical or applied topic in development studies, including globalization and economic integration, in other regions generally or across several regions. From a methodological point of view, CEsA has always sought to foster a multidisciplinary approach to the phenomenon of development, and a permanent interconnection between the theoretical and applied aspects of research. Besides, the centre pays particular attention to the organization and expansion of research supporting bibliographic resources, the acquisition of databases and publication exchange with other research centres.
The objective of this article is to describe the Conflict Resolution interventions used throughout the conflict cycle. The article first presents five levels of conflict intensity of the conflict cycle, namely the levels of Stable Peace, Unstable Peace, Conflict, Crisis, and War. Each level of conflict intensity is characterized by analyzing the variables of Galtung’s conflict triangle (behavior, attitudes, and goals), actors’ perceptions (friend, rival, and enemy), and the dominant strategy of interaction between actors (positive-sum, compromise, zero-sum, and negative-sum). Each level is illustrated with typical events associated with civil wars and wars between states and proposes threshold events of a possible change in the level of conflict intensity. The article then presents a set of Conflict Resolution approaches that can be carried out in each of the conflict intensity levels of the escalation and de escalation periods of the conflict cycle. Conflict Resolution is subdivided between interventions whose main objective is to contain violent conflict, here called Conflict Management, and interventions with a main objective of solving political problems, which can be Conflict Prevention, if they occur in the period of conflict escalation, or Conflict Termination, if they occur in the period of conflict de escalation. In Conflict Management we identify the interventions of: Crisis Management; Unilateral and Joint Internal Management; External Management in the form of Peacemaking or Peace Enforcement, and Traditional Peacekeeping. In Conflict Prevention we identify Structural and Direct Prevention. In Conflict Termination we identify Multidimensional Peacekeeping, Peacebuilding and Peace Consolidation (associated to Conflict Transformation). Additionally, we present two alternative approaches, Cosmopolitan Peace and Critical Approaches.
Working Paper 183/2021: Dans le dernier sursaut de l’Estado da Índia (1951-1961): témoignages inédits de deux femmes portugaises
During the last decade of Estado da Índia, the testimonies of two Portuguese women who embark on a trip to Goa have caught our attention. Born in 1926 and part of the first generation of Estado Novo, the authors belong to an educated elite and share an acute political awareness of the regime, choosing even to engage in the metropolis opposition movements. They left Portugal for Goa, the territory of their political exile, a society totally alien to them and an important moment of personal experience. The last decade of the Portuguese domination sign the last burst of Estado da Índia which is moving towards the return of its territories to the Indian Union in 1961. The stories left by these two women articulate a history of the Portuguese empire, learned on school benches, portraying an experience of the Salazarist regime and the confrontation of the authors’ experience in Goa. There they make their way on a tightrope, created both by the distance to the colonial administration and by the difficult penetrability of Goan society. In this interface and stemming from an everyday of existential precariousness, they get to know this society and engage in the cultural and political challenges that cross it. Back in Portugal and later on, one of the authors write her memories and the other wish for the exposure of the letters, that she daily written to her family . The memoirs and letters constitute a counterpoint testimony, on the one hand to that of the Portuguese of the Empire (whose statuses and belonging were defined in a colonial society) and, on the other, to that of the diasporas belonging to the Empire (Portuguese, Goans , Indians) by where it is also interesting to read the center from its periphery. Their testimonies and their reflections have very current accents on the way of writing, of thinking and living on existential, material, and symbolic borders that both separate and unite people.
The African Party for Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) officially took control of political power in Guinea-Bissau in 1974, and for sixteen years has starred in the political scene with a single-party regime – a military dictatorship–with repressive practices as a method to control the opposition, intimidate and maintain power. Our purpose in this work is to verify why the party that was for a long time at the forefront of the country, acting as the only political force that controlled the state apparatus, had difficulty executing its main government proposals. For this we seek the following questions: What influence did colonization have on the formation of the PAIGC? Why did the PAIGC face difficulties and were forced to lose its binational identity considered as one of the bases of its ideological beginning? Why in the post-coup period of 1980 could the party not prevent other successive violent conflicts? Was social and ethnic divisionism noted in the internal structures of the PAIGC? The answer may be among other factors: in the legacy left by the colonial past, in the heterogeneity of the national social structure and in the contradictions resulting from the struggle for power within the PAIGC itself. Although, despite the difficulties that are observable, it cannot be refuted its importance as an important player in the construction of national political history.
Working Paper 181/2021: A vulnerabilidade à pobreza das mulheres responsáveis por famílias monoparentais no Brasil e o papel das políticas públicas
The deterioration of women’s income, and their consequent vulnerability to poverty, is particularly critical in the case of women who are the head of single-parent families – being them the only provider to the household, gender inequalities in the labor market affect them more significantly. This article seeks to understand the life experiences of these women, in Brazil, as well as the role of the State in alleviating their economic and social difficulties, where the effect of the Bolsa Família Programme will be studied in particular. The analysis of the Brazilian reality is enhanced by the presentation of relevant official statistics, complemented by a qualitative methodological approach based on semi-structured interviews conducted with women in this situation. It is concluded that their life experiences are affected by several hardships that are still relatively under-researched, but also by positive aspects related to their condition as single parents, above all in terms of their autonomy and perception of greater emancipation, as well as living in a safe and emotionaly stable environment.
São Tomé and Príncipe is a small archipelago in the Gulf of Guinea formed by two main islands, namely: the island of São Tomé, which is the larger of the two, and the island of Príncipe. Its total area is 997 km2 (Cf. BM, BdP) and is approximately 300 km from the west coast of the African continent. The archipelago was colonized by Portugal between 1485 and 1974 and became independent on July 12, 1975, after a seven-month transition period. The territory was populated with exiles, small Jews, many African slaves and some volunteers from Europe. The slave labor regime introduced since the beginning of the settlement was very violent for the African labor in such a way that some found in the escapes to the forests close to the farms a way to escape the mistreatment of the Europeans and live in freedom and subsistence goods and some schemes to compose their survival, namely assaults and attacks on farms to obtain food and women. This population that lived and reproduced in the bush for centuries, unlike an original population, which some believe to have existed, gave rise to the so-called “Angolas” and has been the subject of debates among academics as to its origin. This article discusses this and seeks to clarify the origin of the “Angolar” ethnic group on the island of São Tomé. The article is divided into three parts: the first part (point 2) discusses the narrative of the shipwreck, the second part (point 3) establishes a relationship between fugitive slaves and “Black Gentiles” and the last point explains the origin of the designation “Angolas ” for that population group in the south of the island of São Tomé.
Working Paper 179/2020: Monetary transitions in Cabo Verde: from the escudo zone to the exchange agreement with Portugal
During the colonial period and within the framework of the monetary system of the Portuguese colonies, Cabo Verde lived in a situation of relative monetary and exchange stability. After independence, in 1975, the country underwent two monetary transitions: the first, immediately after independence and with the abandonment of the exchange rate parity with the Portuguese escudo; and the second, from 1998 onwards, following an exchange cooperation agreement with Portugal. During both transitions, the country could rebuild monetary and exchange stability, as a result of the way in which institutional and external factors of stability were used in each of them. However, the second transition significantly affected the evolution of trade and international investments in Cabo Verde, whose expansion resulted in a strong growth of the economy and exports. This paper analyses not only the conditions of monetary and exchange stability in the two transitions, but also the nature of the changes that took place with the second transition. Those changes were reflected in a trend of structural transformation and consolidation of the market economy in Cabo Verde, paving the way to the good economic performance of the last few decades.
According to the Word Bank in the first 38 years of China Economic Reform took 700 million people out poverty line in China at same time benefiting the Global South economy due to the integration of the Transnational Enterprises Global Value Chains with China. Chinese government understood the economic rational of Global Value Chains, Flying Geese Model and Foreign Direct Investment Theories and introduced policies to attract foreign capital, technology, production, and foreign buyers, placing China as the final stage of the production networks in Asia and also transforming China in the biggest buying market of many resources and energy suppliers from less developed countries in Asia, Africa and South America. But a new model of Chinese economic development even more interconnected and interdependent with the world is now on move. Even quite before the world acknowledge the protectionist mindset of the US in Trump era, Chinese President Xi Jinping launched in 2013 a very ambitious initiative under the name of “One Road One Belt the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road” to enhance a new stage of world globalization, which together with two complimentary initiatives the “International Production Cooperation” and “Third-country Market Cooperation” and in complementarity with the “Made in China 2025” and “Internet Plus” plans will lead China to develop Global Value Chains leaded by Chinese companies and integrating countries of Europe, Africa, Asia, and South America.
The European Union has suffered several violent attacks. The text researches the impact of terrorism as a political the phenomenon, differentiating it from other types of organized crime, in a context of regional threats from the Mediterranean, jihadism and its consequences in the European Union (EU), besides issues like social exclusion related to the current migration crisis, the autonomic claims within the regional bloc and the spread of populism. The EU Counter-Terrorism Strategy is discussed. A critical analysis is made to the European Cybersecurity Strategy and to the New Strategic Agenda for 2019-2024 of the European Council.
According to the specialized literature, Portuguese foreign policy is consolidated and has not changed much in the last four decades. Does this mean that its matrix, variables, and strategic vectors have not changed in the last few years? Has the geopolitical paradigm changed? This paper confronts the possibility of changing course, with the creative reformulation of the original vision.